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Full text of "The Anti-slavery record, v.2:no.3"

f£4t. 



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THE 



ANTI-SLAVERY RECORD. 



Vol. II. No. III. 



March, 1836. 



Whole No. 15. 




"Mr. Stout, [one of the committee who condemned Amos Dressar,] on this 
•ccasion, told me that the scene represented in the cut [abore] was one- of by- 
no means unfrequent occurrence— that it was accurate in all its parts, and that 
he had witnessed it again and a?ain."— Amos Dresser's Narrative. 



CONTENTS. 

The Humanity of the Africo-Amer- | The Disruption of Family ties, 

icans, . ■ . . . . 1 Correction, . ... 12 

The Consistency of Lafayette, . 7 j Receipts, lb. 



NEW- YORK : 

PUBLISHED BY R. G. WILLIAMS, 

FOR THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, 

144 NASSAU STREET. 



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151 

For the Record. 

FACTS WORTH REMEMBERING. 

[Oh y the fanatics !] 

Dr. Adam Smith, as early as 1759, held up the people of color in an 
honorable, and their tyrants, in a degrading light. 

John Wesley, in 1774, undertook the cause of the poor people of 
color. 

The Abbe' Proyart, in 1776, published at Paris his History of Lo- 
ango, and other kingdoms in Africa, in which he did ample justice to 
the moral and intellectual character of the natives there. 

David Hartley, M. P., son of Dr. D.H., made amotion in the House 
of Commons, in 1776, "That the Slave-trade was contrary to the laws 
of God, and the rights of men." 

Dr. Gregory, in 1784, in his Essays Historical and Moral, gave a 
circumstantial account of the Slave-trade, and expressed his abhor- 
rence of it. 

James Ramsay, Vicar of Treston in Kent, Eng., became an able, 
zealous, and indefatigable patron of the cause of the people of color in 

1784. 

M. Necker, in 1785, in his work on the French Finances, came out 
in the cause of the people of color. [His grand-daughter is the present 
Dutchess de Broglie, wife of the Prime minister of France, a pious 
lady and an abolitionist.] 

The poet Cowper, in 1785, uttered his sentiments in regard to the 
cruel system of slavery. 

George Fox, the founder of the society of friends, took strong and 
decided ground against the slave-trade. 

Richard Baxter left Ins testimony against the wicked traffic in 
human flesh. 

Anthony Benezet, was born at St. duintin, in Picardy, France, and 
died in Philadelphia, in 1784. He was one of the most zealous, vigi- 
lant, and active advocates which the cause of the oppressed people of 
color ever had. 

George Whitfield, in 1789, turned the attention of many to the hard 
case of the people of color. 

Dr. Benj. Rush, of Philadelphia, purchased a pew in St. Thomas's 
Church, (colored) and attended public worship with the oppressed 
people of color. In consequence he lost half his practice, but after- 
wards public opinion changed, and he recovered his professional bu- 
siziess. 

Mr. Roscoe, of Liverpool, Eng., wrote a Poem, about forty years 
ago, entitled " The wrongs of Africa," and gave the profits of it to the 
Committee of Inquiry into the condition of the people of color. 

Mirabeau, in 1789, lent his whole strength and influence to the 
cause of the people of color. 

Mr. Wedgwood made his manufactory of earthen ware, contribute 
to the cause of the oppressed during the early struggle of the aboli- 
tionists in England. 



THE 



ANTI-SLAVERY RECORD. 



Vol. II. No. III. 



MARCH, 1S36. 



Whole No. 15. 




[See page 3.J 
THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO- AMERICANS. 
Variety, governed by order, characterizes the works of God. No 
two individuals of his innumerable creatures are precisely alike, yet 
the diversity has its fixed and impassable limits. God's creatures are 
arranged into classes, easily to be distinguished. The human race, 
though exhibiting in its multiplied tribes a wonderful variety of exter- 
nal appearance, stands distinguished from all the other tenants of our 
globe by a peculiar, inalienable and ineffaceable glory. This noble 
peculiarity, in whatever places, or circumstances, or degree it may be 
found, is obviously one and the same. It is the expansible soul. 
It is that spark of celestial fire — feeble and glimmering at first — which 
kindles under the breath of education — nay, which, if not forcibly 
smothered, bursts forth spontaneously in the glorious forms of imagi- 
nation, reason, conscience. It is that IMAGE OF JEHOVAH which 
lays claim to an eternity of existence by its capacity for an eternal 
growth. 



2 THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO-AMERICAXS. [26 

Observe, it is the capacity for improvement, and not the improve- 
ment itself which constitutes the badge and birth-right of our race. 
It is not for one tribe of men to degrade another from the ranks of 
humanity, for falling below its own standard of acquirement ; nor 
can any one justly plume itself upon a superiority of natural endow- 
ments, inasmuch as the endowment itself is from its very nature im- 
measurable, being a capacity for indefinite enlargement. As well 
might the hoary sage speak of the little child as the connecting link 
between himself and the brute, as the enlightened nation hold such 
language in regard to the most savage horde. He that has a SOUL, 
whatever may be said of its present powers, is the possessor of an 
immortal, illimitable, inestimable thing — he is no more to be compared 
with the brute than eternity with a day. 

It is not the design of this article to prove that the Africans are 
really men. If there are any who doubt their manhood, it cannot be 
for the want of evidence. Nor is it designed to cite examples to show 
the intellectual equality of that race with the white. This matter is 
of little consequence in relation to the great question of Slavery, 
But the moral traits of the African character* deserve a thorough in- 
vestigation. 

We well know what can be said of the selfishness and ferocity of 
savages. This is a world in ruins — and we never fail to find sin de- 
veloping itself in proportion to temptation. But considering the cir- 
cumstances in which our colored brethren have been placed, there 
are traits in their character which must commend themselves to us as 
good and noble. Their mildness, fidelity and generosity take away 
all excuse from their ruthless oppressors. It is the glory of Chris- 
tianity that it teaches its disciples to return good for evil. But what 
Christian nation can show more or nobler instances of this virtue than 
the poor, despised, enslaved Africo- Americans ? How few are the 
insurrections and revolts recorded in the history of African slavery ! 
The insurrections that have occured, too, have often been rendered 
abortive by the affection of some favorite slave for the family of his 
master. We often hear the slaveholders themselves boast, that in 
case of insurrection, their slaves would be the first to rally in their 
defence. This in many instances may be true : but it must not be 
taken as a proof that the masters have dealt justly with their slaves, 
much less that slavery itself is a good thing. The truth is, that the 

* This whole subject is admirably handled in the seventh chapter of Mrs. 
Child's " Appeal in behalf of that class of Americans called Africans." 



27] THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO-AMERICANS. 3 

colored man never forgets a favor. He is chained by kindness, and 
will cheerfully give up some of his rights, provided the rest are re- 
spected. A traveller in South Africa, relates that a party of Dutch 
boors had captured five of the natives, and finding it troublesome to 
convey them to the colony, resolved to shoot them. Four of them 
were despatched, but the fifth, a woman, clung to her captor so closely 
that it was impossible to shoot her without endangering his life. He 
at length interceded for her, and she was carried to the colony, where 
she seived in his family during a long life with the utmost fidelity, 
never ceasing to regard him as her greatest benefactor. 

Whatever may be said of the affection of the slave for his master, 
he cherishes no good will towards the system under which he is held. 
This is strikingly illustrated by the fact that the best treated slaves 
have joined ardently in revolt, while at the same time they have been 
willing to peril their lives to save their own masters. A remarkable 
instance is related by Bryan Edwards in his History of St. Domingo. 
It occurred during the dreadful rebellion of 1791. As he wrote in 
favor of slavery, was on the spot directly after the occurrence, and 
received all his facts from the whites who would not have given to the 
blacks any credit which was not due to them, his statement may be 
confidently relied on. 

" Amidst these scenes of horror, one instance, however, occurs of 
such fidelity and attachment in a negro, as is equally unexpected and 
affecting. Monsieur and Madame Baillon, their daughter and son- 
in-law, and two white servants, residing on a mountain plantation 
about thirty miles from Cape Francois, were apprised of the revolt 
by one of their own slaves, who was himself in the conspiracy, but 
promised if possible to save the lives of his master and his family. Hav- 
ing no immediate means of providing for their escape, he conducted 
them into an adjacent wood ; after which he went and joined the re- 
volters. The following night he found an opportunity of bringing 
them provisions from the rebel camp. The second night he returned 
again, with a further supply of provisions ; but declared it would be 
out of his power to give them any further assistance. After this, they 
saw nothing of the negro for three days ; but at the end of that time 
he came again, and directed the family how to make their way to a 
river which led to Port Margot, assuring them they would find a 
canoe on a part of the river which he described. They followed his 
directions ; found the canoe and got safely into it, but were overset 
by the rapidity of the current, and after a narrow escape thought it 
best to return to their retreat in the mountains. The negro, anxious 
for their safety, again found them out, and directed them to a broader 
part of the river, where he assured them he had provided a boat ; but 
said it was the last effort he could make to save them. They went 
accordingly, but not finding the boat, gave themselves up for lost. 



4 THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO-AMERICANS. |20 

when the faithful negro again appeared like their guardian angel. 
He brought with him pigeons, poultry, and bread j and conducted 
the family by slow marches in the night along the banks of the river, 
until they were within sight of the wharf at Port M argot ; when tell- 
ing them they were entirely out of danger, he took his leave forever, 
and went to join the rebels. The family were in the woods nineteen 
nights." — History of St. Domingo, page 75. 

Far be it from us to justify the bloody vengeance of the oppressed 
in St. Domingo. The liberty of that island would have been, in our 
opinion, more speedily obtained and its permanence better secured 
had the colored people never struck a ^blow. At any rate, whether it 
would have been so or not, they ought not to have drawn the sword, 
But if we wish to study the moral character of the African race as 
developed in the scenes of St Domingo, we must remember that the 
horrible atrocities they perpetrated were taught them by their civil- 
ized white masters, while their forbearance, magnanimity, good faith, 
and moral heroism were all their own. The history of St. Domingo 
from the first revolutionary commotions in 1789, up to the present 
hour, is full of facts highly honorable to a people just emerging from 
the savage state, and to humanity itself. Some of these, inscribed as 
they are on the durable page of history, will be interesting to the 
reader. 

When the French, in 1802, invaded St. Domingo, for the purpose 
of reducing the blacks to their ancient bondage, one of their first 
acts, was the capture of Fort Dauphin, on the bay of Mancenille. A 
large number of blacks were taken prisoners. Contrary to what are 
called the laws of civilized warfare, they were all murdered, and the 
bay was reddened with their blood. In retaliation, Dessalines, one of 
the black chieftians, ordered the indiscriminate massacre of the white 
planters in the valley of the Artibonite. Most dreadfully was he 
obeyed. 

" But," says the historian, " not all the blacks were so barbarous. 
Many among them, moved by sentiments of gratitude, or of pity, saved 
the lives of the unfortunate colonists. Some hid them in the country, 
and nourished thsm by the chase, others conducted them by by-roads 
into the districts occupied by the French. There were some, who, 
in order not to awaken the suspicion of the pursuers, dressed the victims 
in thick leaves, and passed them off as the actors of a drunken frolic. 5 '* 

There is not perhaps on record an invasion more cruel, than that 
which was made against St Domingo, under Le Clerc, certainly none 

* Antoine Metral, Histoire de TExpSdition des Fransais, a Saint Domingue. 
pe^e 76. 



89] THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO-AMERICANS. 5 

more treacherous. When that general found that the wealth of the 
colony was turned to cinders, and the blacks were still free in the 
mountains, he sheathed his sword, and betook himself to negociation. 
He proposed a peace, in which liberty and amnesty were solemnly guar- 
antied to the blacks. It was accepted. But, the event proved that 
the whole was only a stratagem to remove Toussaint Louverture, and 
other chieftians, who had so successfully baffled the French arms. 
No sooner, however, had the French army relaxed itself in this per- 
fidious peace, than a pestilence broke out, which swept away twenty 
thousand men. The blacks might easily have completed the destruc- 
tion. What was their conduct ? The same historian says, 

"The blacks still remained faithful to the peace to which they had 
sworn; born under the torrid zone the contagion did not mingle its poison 
in their boiling blood ; had they pleased, there would have been an end 
of the expedition, but they believed it would be unworthy of them to 
violate the peace, and owe their victory to the pestilence. Hence the 
blacks faithfully guarded sea and land, and with that hospitality which 
characterizes unsophisticated men, they received the sick into their 
houses, and gave them unexpected succor ; they even wept over them, 
no longer seeing in the French their enemies, but illustrious warriors 
trampled under the feet of an inexorable destiny. Thus they banished 
revenge, a sentiment terrible in the hearts of savages." 

** * * * * * * 

"In the silent streets of the Cape, marked by ruins, and in those of 
Port au Prince, might be seen, going and returning, these benevolent 
women [blacks] ; their compassion ran from one sick-bed to another, to 
soften despair, to assuage suffering, and to struggle with the pestilence. 
They spent day and night with the sick and dying, inhaling their fetid 
and cadaverous breath. Seeing the impotence of the ordinary remedies, 
they administered others, of which they had brought the secrets from 
the deserts of Africa ; they had recourse also to their fetiches, the wor- 
ship of which they customarily mingle with the practices of Christian- 
ity ; thus they implored both their ancient and their new gods, to avert 
the malady which was mowing down so many warriors. * * 

u How many soldiers, captains and generals died or recovered, in 
the care of these compassionate females, of whom the most had been 
savages, either bond or free ! They had known the disease and they 
relieved it. The army and fleet owed to them inestimable consolations ; 
France owes them eternal gratitude for having taken this tender and 
generous care of her children — the very men whom the consul [Napo- 
leon Bonaparte] had sent to reduce St. Domingo, so far as possible, to 
her ancient bondage. One shudders to think that in return for their 
compassion, these unfortunate women were perhaps to receive chains." 
pp. 121, 125. 

A later period of this war afforded a remarkable instance of forbear 
ance. The extreme South, in the neighborhood of Les Cayes, was 
inhabited by many mulattoes who were rich, and notwithstanding pre- 



6 THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO-AMERICANS. [30 

judice, connected with the white planters by marriage. Long after the 
treacherous peace had been thrown off by the colored people of the 
north, these remained quiet and attached to the French. A body of 
colored guards were maintained to keep the peace. But being suspected 
by the whites of disaffection, they were taken on board a ship that lay 
off the coast, and in one night all thrown overboard and drowned, 
This cruel ingratitude aroused the people of color, and they flew to arms, 
under a leader of their own, named Ferrou. 

"After having raised the standard of revolt," says the historian, 
"he gave the order to arrest all the [white] colonists, and to conduct 
them safe and sound to the village of Coteaux, not far from the sea, 
where his brethren had been caused to perish. The colonists expected 
no clemency ; they scorned to resort to entreaty, and resigned them- 
selves to their fate. 

" Ferrou, in a fierce and bitter tone, addressed them as follows : ' Cruel 
whites, you scrupled not to sacrifice to your hate, those, who upon this 
soil, were your defenders, and your hope. How does it benefit us, to 
be connected with you, by the sweet and sacred ties of nature? Our 
women are your wives, and your mothers, yet without fear of being 
parracides, you bathe your hands in our blood ! Standing here, I be- 
hold the sea, where, in one fearful night, by the pale light of the stars, 
half a battalion of our color were drowned. "What was their crime? 
To serve you, and love you ! The winds and the waves returned us 
their livid corpses. There were brothers, husbands, companions, 
friends faithful in servitude, in war, and in liberty. Now, while a just 
resentment commands us to sacrifice you, go, cross this blood-stained 
sea, rejoin your brethren, and see in us your enemies, but not your 
executioners.' Thus Ferrou, who knew how to bridle his passions, 
caused them to embark for Les Cayes, against which he was about to 
march by land." — Laujon, Precis historiqae, ^c. pp. 160, 161. 

It is often said, that the blacks of St. Domingo, drove every white 
from their island, making all who wore the European complexion, what- 
ever might be their character, the objects of their fury. The untruth 
of this common opinion is remarkably proved by a fact mentioned 
in the "Present state of Hayti," by James Franklin, a work that was 
written by the advice, and paid for with the money of the famous " West 
India Committee," in London, — and hence not likely to speak any 
good falsely of the poor blacks. A colony of Germans was settled 
before the revolution in the neighborhood of Cape Nicholas Mole, who 
cultivated their land only by free labor. In 1827, Franklin found them 
enjoying peace and prosperity, and says of them, " These Germans 
$nd their ancestors, seem to have resided in this part unmolested, dur- 
ing the whole of the troubles of the revolution and rebellion ; and by 
the leading chiefs, subsequent to those events, they have been respected 



31] THE CONSISTENCY OF LAFAYETTE. 7 

and protected," page 281. Bryan Edwards, who wrote in 1796, also 
states that they were unmolested. 

Many similar faGts, pertaining especially to our own country, are in 
our possession, but must be deferred to a future occasion. It is worth 
while, however, to remark, that such facts deveiope the sublimest qual- 
ites of our common nature. They infinitely surpass all proofs of mere 
force of intellect. Is it said they are rare among the blacks ? We ask, 
then, how much more frequent are they among the whites ? Which 
race, in proportion to its advantages, has produced the most of such 
fruit ? We confess for ourselves, that if we were to look about for the 
best proofs of the dignity of human nature, we should find many of 
them among our poor, despised, colored brethren. Never have we 
felt more deeply the force of the following remarks, of one of the most 
eloquent men of this age, than when studying the character of the 
Africo- Americans, in the light of their history, — not penned by them- 
selves, be it remembered, but by their enemies. 

"I cannot but pity the man, who recognizes nothing godlike in ms 
nature. I see the marks of God in the heavens and the earth ; but 
how much more in a liberal intellect, in magnanimity, in unconquera- 
ble rectitude, in a philanthropy which forgives every wrong, and which 
never despairs of the cause of Christ, and human virtue. I do and I 
must reverence human nature. * * * 

I know how it is despised, how it has been oppressed, how civil and 
religious establishments have for ages conspired to crush it. I know 
its history. I shut my eyes on none of its weaknesses and crimes. 
I understand the proofs, by which despotism demonstrates that man is 
a wild beast, in want of a master, and only safe in chains. But, in- 
jured, trampled on, and scorned, as our nature is, I still turn to it with 
intense sympathy and strong hope. The signatures of its origin, and 
its end, are impressed too deeply to be ever wholly effaced. I bless it 
for its kind affections, for its strong and tender love. I honor it for its 
struggles against oppression, for its growth and progression under the 
weight of so many chains and prejudices, forks achievements in science 
and art, and still more for its examples of heroic and saintly virtue. 
These are marks of a divine origin, and the pledges of a celestial in- 
heritance ; and I thank God that my own lot is bound up with that of 
the human race." — Channing. 



THE CONSISTENCY OF LAFAYETTE. 

How delightful the thought that this friend of our country, did not con- 
fine his philanthropy, to any clime or color. The only grief he had for 
America was, that her people were not all free. Had all the patriots 
of the revolution cherished the same spirit, how much better would it 
have been for our country to-day ! The following interesting remarks 



8 THE CONSISTENCY OF LAFAYETTE. [32 

we take from the " Recollections of the Private Life of General Lafay- 
ette," just published by Leavitt, Lord, & Co., of this city. 

" After the decisive campaign against Lord Cornwallis, in 1781, La- 
fayette, on receiving the thanks of the State of Virginia, which had 
particularly profited by his successes, replied, by the expression of a 
wish, that liberty might be speedily extended to all men, without dis- 
tinction. But, he was not contented with sterile wishes, and on his 
return to France, flattering himself, like Turgot and Poivre, that the 
gradual emancipation of the negroes, might be conciliated with the 
personal interests of the colonists ; he was desirous of establishing the 
fact by experience, and for that purpose, he tried a special experiment, 
on a scale sufficiently large to put the question to the test. At that 
period the Intendant of Cayenne, was a man of skill, probity, and ex- 
perience, named Lescalier, whose opinions on the subject coincided 
with those of Lafayette. Marshal de Cartries, the minister of the 
Marine, not only consented to the experiment, but determined to aid 
it by permitting Lescalier to try upon the king's negroes the new regime 
projected. Lafayette had at first devoted one hundred thousand francs 
to this object. He confided the management of the residence which he 
had purchased at Cayenne, to a man distinguished for philosophy and 
talent, named Richeprey, who generously devoted himself to the direc- 
tion of the experiment. The Seminarists established a colony, and 
above all the Abbe Farjon, the curate of it, applauded and encouraged 
the measure. It is but justice to the colonists of Cayenne, to say, that 
the negroes had been treated with more humanity there than else- 
where. Richeprey's six months stay there, and the example set by 
him, before he fell a victim to the climate, contributed still farther to 
improve their condition. La Rochefoucault was to purchase another 
plantation as soon as Richeprey's establishment had met with some 
success, and a third would afterward have been bought by Malesherbes, 
who took a cordial interest in the plan. The untimely death of Riche- 
prey, the difficulty of replacing such a man, the departure of the In- 
tendant, and a change in the ministry, threw obstacles in the way 
of this noble undertaking. 

" When Lafayette had been proscribed in 1792, the National Conven- 
tion confiscated all his property, and ordered his negroes to be sold at 
Cayenne, in spite of the remonstrances of Madame Lafayette, who 
protested against the sale, observing, that the negroes had been pur- 
chased, only to be restored to liberty after their instruction, and not to 
be again sold as objects of trade and speculation. At a later period 
all the negroes of the French colonies were declared free, by a decree 
of the National Convention. It is nevertheless remarkable that some 
of Lafayette's plans, with regard to the slave emancipation were real- 
ized. Cayenne, the only one of our colonies in which the example set 
by him, of instructing the negroes had been followed, was also the only 
colony in which no disorders took place. Urged by gratitude, the ne- 
groes of hi3 plantation declared to Richepreys successor, that if Lafay- 
ette's property was confiscated, they would avail themselves of their 
liberty ; but that in the opposite case they would remain and continue to 
cultivate his estates. 11 Vol. I, page 149. 



33] THE DISRUPTION OF FAMILY TIES. 9 

It is obvious to remark, that Lafayette's experiment prevented troubles 
in Cayenne, rather by its action upon the masters than the slaves. In 
none of the colonies did troubles result from the act of immediate eman- 
cipation, through the bad conduct of the emancipated. So far as they 
were concerned that act rather appeased the troubles which before ex- 
isted. Not so with the masters ; they professed to feel themselves 
robbed, and, in all the colonies except Cayenne, resorted to violent 
means to recover their lost property. In regard to the gradualism of 
Lafayette, let it be observed, that his own experience, as well as that 
of others, for fifty years, has proved the inefficacy and futility of the 
doctrine. Now it would be madness in us, through a blind reverence 
for his name, not to profit by his experience. Had Lafayette made free- 
men of his slaves the moment they came into his possession, they could 
not afterwards have been confiscated and sold, as a part of his property. 
"VVe are constrained to admire the consistency of his benevolent feel- 
ings towards the suffering slaves, but we have to deplore the incon- 
sistency of his logic. 



THE DISRUPTION OF FAMILY TIES. 

Do the mothers of our land know that American slavery, both in 
theory and practice is nothing but a system of tearing asunder the family 
ties ? Lock at the map of the United States. Draw with your pen 
a line dividing between the fertile lowlands of the coast and the south, 
and the more sterile and mountainous uplands of the northern slave 
states. On one side of this line the principal business by which wealth 
is acquired is the breeding of slaves, to be driven over and worn out 
upon the cotton, rice and sugar plantations on the other side. And 
this trade takes ofT not usually whole families, but the young and the 
strong. Not a slave mother does there live in the slave-breeding dis- 
trict, who is not liable to lose her son or her daughter the moment 
her master shall think it for his interest to sell. The character of the 
master is poor security. Great men, honorable men, kind men, aye, 
Christian men, so called, have sanctioned the traffic. The utmost of 
their conscientiousness in the matter has been, to impose upon the 
buyer the necessity of taking whole families ; but as this buyer may 
sell again, and usually buys for that very purpose, who shall say that 
/z-edoes not tear the child from its mother, the husband from his wife ? 

But we are told these blacks do not care! they sing and dance as 
before — they are hard and callous to the tender feelings that belong to 
civilized life. Alas, it is the heart of this nation that is callous ! The 
great God has planted in the heart of the mother an affection for her 
offspring which floods cannot drown — under the trampling hoofs of 
oppression it only grows the stronger. The fabric of human society 
is reared on this very principle. "Has God made his foundation so 



10 THE DISRUPTION OF FAMILY TIES. [34 

weak that man may set it at nought ? No, the attempt to build the 
wealth of a nation on the ruin of domestic ties, will fare worse than 
that which was confounded on the plain of Shinar. God's foundation 
stands sure, and the nation that despises it shall feel his wrath in all 
her institutions. 

The parental affection of the negro mother challenges comparison. 
One of the most calumnious of the advocates of slavery, to whom we 
referred on a preceding page, says, "It must, I think be admitted, 
that the affections of the negro race are somewhat warm and unal- 
loyed ; and in no instance are they so feelingly illustrated as in the 
solicitude evinced by the negro for his offspring. To his children his 
attachment is strong and inalienable ; and he displays it on leaving 
his home with the greatest fervor, and on his return with every mark 
of gratitude and joy." — James Franklin's Present State of Hayti, page 
212. 

But why do we -speak of the negro mother? The principle belongs 
to all sentient beings. The voice of the whole animate creation cries 
out against this separtion of families, as treason against nature. 
There is no brute-mother so stupid as not to cherish a tender regard 
for her offspring during a certain period which the law of nature has 
fixed. The difference between the brute and the rational animal is, 
that in the latter, the affection lasts through life. 

The reader will pardon us for the following extracts which well 
illustrate the law of parental affection. The first is Humboldt's anec- 
dote of The Mothers Rock. As the great traveller of South America 
was ascending the Orinoco, his attention was arrested by a remark- 
able rock which he thus describes. 

** The Piedra de la Guahiba, or Piedra de la Madre commemorates 
one of those acts of oppression, of which Europeans are guilty, in all 
countries wherever they come in contact with savages. In 1797, the 
Missionary of San Fernando, had led his people to the banks of the 
Rio Guaviare on a hostile excursion. In an Indian hut they found a 
Guahibo woman, with three children, occupied in preparing Cassava 
flour. She and her little ones attempted to escape, but were seized 
and carried away. The unhappy female repeatedly fled with her chil- 
dren from the village, but was always traced by her Christian country- 
men. At length, the friar, after causing her to be severely beaten, 
resolved to separate her from her family, and sent her up the Atabipo, 
towards the missions of the Rio Negro. Ignorant of the fate intended 
for her, but judging from the direction of the sun, that her persecutors 
were carrying her far from her native country, she burst her fetters, 
leaped from the boat, and swam to the left bank of the river. She 
landed on a rock ; but the president of the establishment ordered the 
Indians to row to the shore and lay hands on her. She was brought 
back in the evening, stretched upon the bare stone [Piedra de la Madre] 
scourged with straps of mannatee leather, which are the ordinary whips 
of the country, and then dragged to the mission of Javita, her hands 
bound behind her back. It was the rainy season, the night was ex- 
cessively dark, forests believed to be impenetrable stretched from that 
station "to San Fernando, over an extent of eighty-six miles, and the 
only communication between these places was by the river,- yet the 



35] THE DISRUPTION OF FAMILY TIES, 11 

Guahibo mother, breaking her bond3, and eluding the vigilance of her 
guard.*, escaped under night, and on the fourth morning was seen at 
the village, hovering around the hut which contained her children. On 
this journey she mast have undergone hardships from which the most 
robust man would have shrunk ; was forced to live upon ants, to swim 
numerous streams, and to make her way through thickets and thorny 
lianas. And the reward of all this courage and devotion was — her re- 
moval to one of the missions of the Upper Orinoco, where, despairing 
of ever seeing her beloved children, and refusing all kinds of nourish- 
ment, she died, a victim to the bigotry and barbarity of wretches blas- 
phemously calling themselves the ministers of a religion, which incul- 
cates universal benevolence !" — Abridgment of Humboldt, in Harper's 
Fam. Lib. p. 221. 

The heart of every mother, and we think of many fathers, will bear 
witness that the following lines are true, and no more than true, to na- 
ture. We do not know a more touching illustration of that sacred 
law which slavery scornfully set3 at nought They are from the Pelican 
Island, by James Montgomery. 

Love found that lonely couple on the isle, 

And soon surrounded them with blithe companions ,* 

The noble birds, with skill spontaneous framed 

A nest of reeds, among the giant grass 

That waved in lights and shadows o'er the soil, 

There in sweet thraldom, yet un weening why, 

The patient dam, who ne'er till now had known 

Parental instinct, brooded o'er her eggs 

Long ere she found the curious secret out, 

That life was hid within their brittle shells : 

Thus from a wild rapacious bird of prey, 

Tamed by the gentle process, she became 

That gentlest of all living things — a mother, 

Gentlest while yearning o'er her tender young, 

Fiercest when stirred by anger to defend them ; 

Her mate himself the softening power confessed, 

Forgot his sloth, restrained his appetite, 

And ranged the sky, and rished the stream for her, 

Or, when o'erwearied nature forced her off 

To shake her torpid feathers in the breeze 

And bathe her bosom in the cooling flood, 

He took her place, and felt through every nerve, 

While the plump nestlings throbbed against his heart, 

The tenderness that makes the vulture mild ; 

Y'ea. half unwillingly his post resigned, 

When, home-sick with the absence of an hour, 

She hurried back, and drove him from her seat 

With pecking bill and cry ot fond distress, 

Answered by him with murmurs of delight, 

Whose gutturals harsh, to her were love's own music 



12 



RECEIPTS. 



[36 



Correction. In the History of the Slave James, printed in our 
February No. a slight mistake occurred on the first page. Two of 
James's sisters and a brother were sold by his young master, but he 
himself was not sold. He was in the service of the Tilghman family 
at the time of his escape. 



RECEIPTS. 



Receipts Into the Treasury of the American A. S. So- 
ciety from January 15th, to February 15th, 1836. 

West Arlington, Vt., Dr. A. McKee, 3 00 

Acton, Mass., Rev. J. G. Woodbury, per 

S. J. May, 100 00 
Amherst, Mass., by E. C. Pritchett, bal- 
ance of pledge, 64 00 
Dan vers, Mass., "Abner Sanger, per S. J. 

May, 50 00 
Fall River, " R. Dnrfee, ?l 
N. Lenox, " James Judd, 9 oO 
Stockbridge, " Dr. A. Ferry, 1 00 
W. Stockbrigde " C. M. Lewis, 5 00 
Abington, Conn., " Friends," per T. Hun- 
tington, 6 25 
East Haven, " Mrs. D. Hughes, 50 
Hartford, " Silas Andrus, per R. G. 

Williams, 100 00 

Woodburv, " Nathaniel Pierce, 5 00 
Perry, N. Y. , pledge of $200, by the Gen- 
essee Co. Society, Josh. Andrews Jr. 
of which $60 before acknowledged, 
was contributed by Messrs. II. Phoenix, 
S. F. Phoenix, and Joshua Andrews, 
and $140,37 as under. 

Arcade, N. Y. R. W. Lyman, 10 00 

" " C O. Shepard, Esq. 10 00 

Castile, " Rev. F. J. Bliss, 2 00 

" " J. B. Hoisted, 5 00 

" " W. Howard, 1 00 

" " Lucas Janes, 1 00 

" " J. G. True, 1 00 

* " Ziba Hurd, 2 00 

" Dr. G. Wells, 5 00 

Covington, N. Y. Rev. £. Scovel, 5 00 
Leroy, ' : Society by their Sec, 

S. M. Gates, Esq. 25 00 

.Lagrange, N. Y. Thos. Potwine, 1 25 

" " W. Potwine. 1 25 

" " D. Howard, 1 00 

6 " Lorenzo Smith, 25 

•* ■ F. T. Olney, 25 

" " Daniel Rowley. 25 

" " E. Witter, 50 

" " W. H. Conklin 50 

" Gideon Rood, 50 

" Henry Bush, Jr. 50 

« " Mrs. A. Bush, 50 

M M C. Jones, 50 

M " Henry Bush, 2 00 

»« <• Cash 12 

Perry, " Nathan Chidester, 2 00 

H " E. C Bills, 2 00 

'• " Calvin WaJdo, 50 

" " Isaac Mace, 50 

M " Silas Rawson, 5 00 

■ " Russel Calkins, 3 00 

•* " J. S. Lambright, 1 00 

" Sydney Lapham, 1 00 

Thomas Lapham, 1 00 

John Calkins, 1' 00 

Center, Dr. Jabez Ward, 5 00 

Horace Goodale, 50 

Rev. S. Gridley, 5 00 

Pembroke, " C Freeman, 1 00 

Wyoming, " E. Pomeroy, Esq. 5 00 

Warsaw, " Dr. Augustus Frank, 10 00 

" " F. C. D. McKay, 10 00 

" « W. Chapin, 1 00 

" " S. Fisher, 1 00 

" " John Munger, 1 00 

" » flewetKinne, 2 00 



Perrpr 



Warsaw, N. Y. John Windsor, 
" " C. Bronson. 

" " A. Gregg, 

" " R. Chapin, 

" D. Lee, 



200 

2 00 

50 

50 

50 



China, " C. O. Shepard, Esq. 

Hamilton College, A. S. S., by J. R. Dixon 
Orrington, N. Y. Joel Lee, 
Rochester, " G. A. Avery, on acconut of 
$500 pledge, by Monroe Co. Society. 
Syracuse, N. Y. Seth Conklin, 
Sandy Hill, " Monthly Concert, 
Whitesboro. " Rev. G." W. Gale, 
" ' " Rev. C. Stuart, per H. 

Ibbolson, 
Williamson, " J. B. per S. W. Bene- 
dict & Co. 

" " Congregational Society, 

by J. Talbot, 
Waterloo, " R. Elliott, 
New- York City, Ladies' Society, per Mrs. 
Lockwood, (.§100 being avails of work 
by the young ladies' A. S. Sewing Soci- 
ety,) 
" " A New- York Episcopalian, 

" Ebenezer Jessup, Jr., Esq, 

•* Arthur Tappan, 

" John Rankin, 

" Rev. E. Wheeler, 

" Wm. LiUie, 

" Miss Sarah Martin, 

" Cash, 

Philad. Penn. , Ladies A. S. S. by S. L. 

Gould, 
York, " " Friends," per do. 

" " and otlier places, per do. 

Elyria, Ohio, Ladies A. S S. by Rev. J. 

H. Eells, 
Franklin, " E.Williams, 

" Female Friend," 
Granville, " A. S. S. by W. Whitney, 



140 37 
5 00 
5 00 
3 00 

95 CO 

10 00 
206 
5 00 

100 00 

5 00 



500 


700 


225 00 


," 20 00 


100 00 


250 00 


100 00 


50 


1 M0 


1 00 


25 


60 00 


27 23 


50 00 


1 00 


1 00 


1 00 


20 00 



JOHN RANKIN, Treasurer, 

No. 8 Cedar St 



$1514 07 



Monthly Collections received by the Publishing 

Agent, from January 1st, to February 1st, 1836. 

Brooklyn, Ct., by S. J. May, 2 25 

China, N. Y. by W. R. Lyman, 10 00 

Cincinnati, Ohio, H. Hall, 1 50 

Farmington, Ohio, by D. Belden. Jr. 7 00 

N. Y. Mills, N. Y. by Rev. L. H. Loss, 18 00 

Newark, N. J. Dr. J. M. Ward, 2 00 

Putnam, Ohio, by H C. Howell, 11 50 

Perry Centre, N. Y. oy J. Andrews, 10 00 

Perry, " by J. Sleeper, 5 00 

Whiiestown, " by Thomas Beebe, 8 00 

Warsaw, " by F. C. D. McKay, 10 CO 

Received for Emancipator, 204 75 

" " Human Rights, 70 57 

" " Quarterly Magazine, 5S 06 

" " A. S. Record, 15 75 

u " Books, Pamphlets, Sea. 277 86 



R. G. WILLIAMS, 

Publishing Agent, 144 Nassau St 
Total Receipts, 



$712 24 



$2227 21 



152 
SONNET. 

TO WILLIAM WILBERFORCE, ESQ., APRIL 16, 1792. 

By William Cow per. 

Thy country, Wilber force, with just disdain, 
Hears thee by cruel men, and impious called 
Fanatic, for thy zeal to loose the enthrall'd 

From exile, public sale, and slavery's chain. 

Friend of the poor, the wronged, the fetter-gall'd y 

Fear not lest labors such as thine be vain. 

Thou hast achieved a part ; hast gained the ear 

Of Britain's Senate to thy glorious cause; 

Hope smiles, joy springs, and the cold cautious pause 
And weave delay, the better hour is near, 
That shall remunerate thy toils severe 

By peace for Afric, fenced with British laws. 

Enjoy what thou hast won, esteem and love 

From all the just on earth, and all the blest above. 

"WE NO SEN', YOU NO COME." 

Some years ago a number of Negroes, in Jamaica, escaped from 
the cruel bondage of their task-masters ; and, retiring into an unin- 
habited part of the island, built a little town, which they called, u We 
no sen\ you no come." Here they lived some years peaceably, indus- 
triously, and comfortably, upon the fruits of their labor ; having about 
two hundred acres of land, thickly planted with provisions, in the 
finest condition, with abundance of hogs and poultry. They thought 
that, if they kept themselves at home, they could not be discovered ; 
and if they did not meddle with others, others could not meddle with 
them. However, in the year 1825, they were discovered by the 
whites, who sent out an armed force against them, destroyed their 
town and provision-grounds, and killed, took prisoners, or dispersed, 
the whole of this happy and peaceable community. 

A Shooting Excursion. 



NOTICE. 

All donors to the funds of the American Anti- Slavery Society to the amount 
of ten dollars or more a year, shall be entitled on application at the Society's 
office, to one copy of each of the publications published by the Society ; and 
each donor of five dollars and less than ten dollars, shall be entitled to receive 
one copy of each of the periodical publications issued by the Society during 
such year. 



QUARTERLY ANTI-SLAVERY MAGAZINE. 
This work is issued on the first days of October, January, April, and July. 
Its plan comprises, 

1. Original Essays on subjects connected with the Abolition of Slavery. 

2. Reviews of works on such subjects. 

3. Facts pertaining to the System of American Slavery, and our colored pop- 
ulation generally. 

4. Anti-Slavery Intelligence from abroad. 

5. Notices of works which relate to Slavery. 

6. Interesting selections, in prose and verse. 

7. A brief summary of the progress of the Abolition cause. 

The price is one dollar a year, always in advance. Any individual remitting 
five dollars free of postage, will receive six copies. 



PUBLICATIONS OP THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 

On the first week of each month is issued a small newspaper, entitled HUMAN 
RIGHTS ; on the second week, the ANTI-SLAVERY RECORD ; on the third 
week, the EMANCIPATOR, on an enlarged sheet ; and on the fourth week, the 
SLAVE'S FRIEND. It is intended to distribute all these publications, so far as 
the funds of the society will allow, gratuitously, to persons not known to bo 
abolitionists. 

To support tliis system of distribution, the committee look to the liberality of 
the friends of the oppressed, and invite them either to come forward with pledges 
to pay certain sums to the Society's funds during the year, or to purchase the 
publications at the following prices. The numerous abolitionists throughout ths 
country are also incited to purchase the publications for their own use. 

RICE OF THE PUBLICATIONS. 
Human Rights. 
Single copy, 25 cent* per annum. 

Twenty copies to one address, $3 50, or 17 1-2 cents each per annum. 
Forty copies to one address, $5 00, or 12 1-2 cents each per annum. 
Eighty copies to one address, $8 00, or 10 cents each per annum. 

Anti-Slavery Record. 
Single copy, 25 cents per annum. 

Twenty-five copies to one address, $5 00, or 20 cents each per annum. 
Fifty-five copies to one add/ess, $10 00, or 18 1-9 cents each per annum. 
One hundred copies to one address, $15 00, or 15 cents each per annum. 
They will also be sold at the office at $1 25 per hundred, and sent to subscri- 
bers to the Society's funds according to the plan below. 

Emancipator. 
Single copy, 50 cents per annum. 

Sixteen copies to one address, $5 00, or 31 1-4 cents each per annum. 
Forty copies to one address, $10 00, or 25 cents each per annum. 
One hundred copies to one address, $20 00, or 20 cents each per annum. 

Slave's Friend. 
Single number, 1 cent. A hundred numbers, 80 cents. 

A dozen numbers, 10 cents. A thousand numbers, $6 50. 

Payment is to be made in all cases in advance, free of postage. 

QUARTERLY SUBSCRIPTION PLAN. 
The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society propose the 
following plan for raising funds. 

1. They invite every abolitionist to give something to the Society steadily, by 
becoming a regular subscriber to its funds. 

2. While large sums are requested of such as are able to give them, they would 
invite each person *o pledge the payment of at least $1 50 a year, in quarterly 
instalments, which will entitle them to one number of the Record per month. 

3. They recommend to their auxiliaries to appoint individuals who shall collect 
this subscription, and pay it over as directed below. 

4. In places where no auxiliary Society exists, they request persons who are 
willing to pledge themselves to raise a certain amount, to act as collectors. 

5. The quarterly collections should be remitted, without delay, by mail. This 
conveyance is almost perfectly safe, and the use of the money for one week, in 
this advancing cause, is worth more than the postage. 

6. To every person who becomes a collector, and pledges himself to remit a 
certain amount quarterly, a package of the Anti-Slavert Record will be sent 
monthly, sufficient to supply each subscriber with one number for every 12 1-2 
cents of his subscription. Or, If preferred, it will be sent by mail to the individual 
subscribers, tlfeir names and post-office address being forwarded in a plain hand. 

%* No Records will be forwarded after the expiration of each quarter, until 
the subscriptions are received. 
CORRESPONDENCE OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 

Donations should be remitted to M*. John Rankin, Treas'r, 8 Cedar st< N. Y. 

All business letters in regard to the publications or remittances on the Monthly 
Subscription Plan, should be addressed to Mr. R. G. Williams, Publishing Agent, 
144 Nassau street, New- lork. 

Other letters, and communications to be inserted in any of the publications, 
should be addressed to E. Wright, Jr. Secretary for Domestic Correspondence, 
J 44 Nassau street* New-Yoik.